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This article is part of a special report: Berlin in Brussels.
Europe’s most powerful bureaucrat works from a sparsely furnished mid-sized office on the second floor of a building overlooking a train station — in Berlin.
Few outside the machine room of European politics are likely to have heard of Uwe Corsepius, but in the halls of Brussels and in capitals across the Continent, the mere mention of his name stirs a combination of fear, anger and admiration.
Corsepius, 59, has served as Angela Merkel’s chief adviser on Europe for most of her time as chancellor, helping to guide her through the EU’s never-ending crises. Thanks to that longevity (and his close proximity to Merkel), Corsepius has stitched together the most important network in Europe of anyone in the German government.
Despite his low profile (in keeping with the tradition of advisers to the chancellor, he avoids the public eye and rarely speaks to the press), Corsepius is widely considered by insiders to be more influential in European affairs than Germany’s own foreign minister.
In the months ahead, Corsepius will play a crucial role as Germany takes over the EU’s rotating presidency, which falls in the middle of what Merkel has called the “biggest challenge” in the bloc’s history.
A trained economist who grew up in West Berlin, Corsepius began his career in the economy ministry during the Helmut Kohl era, working for a time at the International Monetary Fund in Washington.
He was assigned to the chancellery when Kohl was still in office, but his professional breakthrough came when an analysis he wrote on EU finances caught the attention of Chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Corsepius worked for Schröder’s chief EU adviser, taking over the position himself when Merkel became chancellor in 2005.
Most of Germany’s European specialists emerge from the foreign ministry, and Corsepius’ atypical start and background (he has a Ph.D. in business economics) earned him the suspicion of colleagues, some of whom question his commitment to Europe to this day.
"He's not a dyed in the wool European," said a longtime German EU official, describing Corsepius as a "obstructionist."
Corsepius, an ambitious tennis player in his younger days, played an important role in the early stages of the eurozone's debt crisis, batting away attempts by Athens and other capitals to convince Berlin to bear more of the burden of bailing out countries caught up in the crisis. Corsepius was also the driving force behind the "great big German nothingburger" response to the federalist fantasies put forth by French President Emmanuel Macron in his famous Sorbonne speech in 2017.
Yet for Merkel, herself a trained scientist who prizes analytical ability, the sober economist has proved an ideal fit. Officials who have witnessed the two in action over the years say Corsepius is more than your average sherpa. “He has Merkel’s complete confidence and trust,” one senior European diplomat said.
That’s one reason why Corsepius often draws the ire of colleagues in Brussels and national capitals. For them, he’s “Dr. No.” Whether the issue involves the minutiae of the EU budget or the expansion of the EU, Corsepius has a reputation for pouring cold water on Brussels’ often frothy agenda.
Corsepius, who left Merkel’s service in 2011 for a four-year term as secretary-general of the Council of the EU, has an ingrained skepticism of the Commission and attempts by officials there to bolster the executive’s power, his associates say. He often clashed, for example, with former Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker’s right-hand man, Martin Selmayr.
“Many in Brussels consider him to be too much of a nationalist,” one former colleague said.
In his dealings with European counterparts, Corsepius makes no secret of the fact that he pursues what’s best for Germany.
Even so, his supporters argue that while Corsepius might not wear rose-colored glasses when it comes to the EU, that doesn’t make him anti-Europe by any stretch. “Germany’s future rests on Europe’s success, and he understands that,” one said.
Indeed, for all the skepticism over his commitment to Europe, Corsepius played a central role in pushing through the Lisbon Treaty during Germany’s last presidency. More recently, he spearheaded Germany’s push, together with France, for a €500 billion debt-financed recovery fund to help countries struggling with the economic fallout of the pandemic.
During the German presidency, it will fall in large part to Corsepius to broker a compromise with skeptics of that plan, the so-called Frugal Four. The Netherlands, Denmark, Austria and Sweden object to structuring the aid as grants that don't have to be paid back, pushing loans instead.
Another priority will be to set the stage for an agreement on the EU’s seven-year budget, a goal that eluded the past several EU presidencies.
Merkel has also pledged to make headway on strategies for the twin forces upending European society and industry: climate change and digital technology.
The German presidency will also have to find a way forward with China. EU-China relations have been strained by indications that Beijing obscured the extent of the danger posed by COVID-19. Due to the pandemic, the EU postponed a planned summit with China set for September but Berlin has pledged to reschedule.
Despite concerns over human rights abuses in Hong Kong and elsewhere in the country, China remains a key trading partner, especially for Germany, which will make finding a common EU position a top priority.
Another challenge on Corsepius' desk during the German presidency will be Brexit. If EU negotiations with the U.K. over a trade deal don’t succeed by the end of the year, the bloc would face yet another economic shock.
Though Corsepius can be affable in private, he looks every bit the Prussian bureaucrat his detractors make him out to be. A tall, slender man with an austere demeanor, Corsepius speaks in measured tones with precise language and is not known to suffer fools.
That directness, which some call “in your face,” could come in handy in months ahead as Germany tries to keep Europe from crumbling. “Say what you will, at the end of the day, Merkel is lucky to have him,” one European diplomat said.
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