Trump says he’d ‘negotiate’ a third term as president in 2024

His former ‘fixer’ says unlimited terms in office are one of the things Trump admires about autocrats like Kim Jong Un and Vladimir Putin.

For over a year, President Donald Trump has been pushing for a third term in office in 2024. The incumbent, who is currently trailing his challenger, former Vice President Joe Biden, for the presidency, insisted again that he could “negotiate” a third term.

At a campaign event in Nevada on Saturday night, Trump proclaimed that he would “win Nevada,” a state that he lost in 2016 against Hillary Clinton. He declared that he would win four more years in the White House.

President Donald Trump speaks during a campaign event at Xtreme Manufacturing on Sunday in Henderson, Nevada. (Photo by Ethan Miller/Getty Images)

Security guards remove a protester wearing a “Black Lives Matter” mask during a Sunday campaign event by President Donald Trump at Xtreme Manufacturing in Henderson, Nevada. (Photo by Ethan Miller/Getty Images)

“And then after that,” he said, “we’ll negotiate, right? Because we’re probably—based on the way we were treated—we are probably entitled to another four after that.”

The 22nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was ratified in 1951 after President Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected to the presidency four times. The amendment limited presidents to two terms in office. There are no provisions or reasons that a president would be able to negotiate.

Read More: Bloomberg to spend at least $100M to help Biden in Florida

Some media pundits have said that the president is “joking” about staying in office for the third time. However, Trump’s former “fixer,” lawyer Michael Cohen, told Don Lemon last week that “Donald Trump does not have a sense of humor.”

“(He) believes that he should be the ruler—the dictator of the United States of America,” Cohen contended on CNN Tonight with Don Lemon. “He actually is looking to change the Constitution.”

Read More: Fox News host Tucker Carlson says only liberals believe climate change and systemic racism are real

Cohen maintains that unlimited terms in office are one of the things Trump admires about autocrats like Kim Jong Un and Vladimir Putin.

“So I want you to understand that when he says 12 more years if he wins, he is going to automatically—day number one—start thinking about how to change the Constitution for a third term and then a fourth term,” Cohen said.

In order to change the 22nd Amendment, Trump would need an affirmative vote from two-thirds of the House of Representatives and two-thirds of the U.S. Senate, and given the opposition to his presidency, that is highly unlikely.

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5 Ways Black Real Estate Investors Can Increase Returns As Business Shows Little Progress in Boosting Diversity

Real estate investing has long been a proven approach to helping individuals become their own bosses, build wealth, and achieve financial independence.

In fact, an immense 90% of millionaires reportedly made their fortunes by investing in that asset class.

But little progress has been achieved in the Black real estate investing community, with investors continuing to experience a lack of diversity and overall opportunities afforded to them, a new study by Millionacres shows. A Motley Fool firm, Millionacres is a real estate investment service.

In August, Millionacres surveyed more than 650 people about diversity in the real estate investing world. Five percent of the respondents identified as Black or African American. The real estate world encompasses  many categories, including rental properties, real estate crowdfunding, commercial real estate, real estate stocks, REITs (real estate investment trusts), flipping houses, and second or vacation homes to name a few.

Among the most startling survey findings is that 7 out of 10 Black investors feel that their race affects their real estate investing opportunities. Here are other top findings of what the Black real estate investing community has to report about diversity:

• Nearly 63% say racial diversity is lacking or severely lacking in the real estate investing community.
• About 56% believe that their race affects their real estate investing returns.
• Around 48% think that early financial education (including information on real estate investing) for under-represented groups would help with lack of diversity.

To reverse matters, Black respondents offered feedback on what should be done about the lack of diversity in the business. Fourteen percent recommend more online content and resources specifically for underrepresented groups. And 11% suggest government intervention on behalf of underrepresented groups.

The findings are also significant from a financial viewpoint. For instance, the combined value of every residential home in the United States alone was $33.6 trillion by late 2019, according to real estate and rental marketplace Zillow.

Real estate investor Lisa Phillips says the 70% of Black investors who feel that their race affects their real estate opportunities is startling to some but very accurate. She says it means that most Black investors are actively navigating the racial burden of trying to invest in addition to the complexities of building a portfolio. “The consequences of that is a much higher burden to obtain just even the same results of bridging the wealth gap,” she says.

Phillips says it is a big deal because it shows that Black investors need to ensure they are deliberately going to sources for funding, education, and opportunities, such as funds and investment groups that understand these nuances. These are generally Black-owned investment platforms that will speak to these issues in a way that mainstream real estate investing platforms cannot articulate. She added this is one way of ensuring the racialized component does not inhibit the accessibility of the Black investor.

So what needs to occur to get more African Americans involved in real estate investing nationwide?

A best-selling author of Investing In Rental Properties For Beginners, Phillips says she personally has found success in training Black investors in a culture of targeting undervalued Black communities, ethically and responsibly (not gentrifying). This way, she added, the cost of entry is a lot lower with homes that run anywhere from $20,000 to $50,000, offering a much lower startup cost.

And if more Blacks were involved in real estate investing, it could potentially help them and their community economically.

Phillips says she has seen investors go from one rental property to 10, and are now major players in the local REIAs (real estate investing associations) and active politically and judicially as homeowners. “We have also seen a pooling of resources, noting which banks are Black investor-friendly (meaning, more likely to give a mortgage loan), as well as which cities and municipalities are investor-friendly,” she says.

“Also, having investors in vulnerable low-income minority neighborhoods who are sensitive and conscious of not escalating rents in order to not displace residents, is having a positive effect individually on streets—this is really grassroots level, which are the best way to get change in my opinion—on our own, not waiting for government or outside validation.”

For Black investors looking to get higher returns from the investing world, Phillips offered some tips:

1. Focus on word of mouth recommendations for banks, lenders, appraisers, real estate agents, educators, investment groups, etc.

2. Focus on portfolios that align with your pocketbook. If you have $10,000 to invest in a property, focus on properties that cost $20,000 to $50,000, generally in minority neighborhoods, and learn how to ethically invest in long-term rentals for relatively low down payment amounts but extremely high cash flow.

3. Ensure you are receiving guidance and education from investors who understand and can speak to navigating the racialized components of getting funding and implementing strategies.

4.  Learn how to find these low-cost markets, be it an hour’s drive away or a plane trip away, and learn how to successfully manage them through long-distance investing so you can easily achieve great deals without having to manage it hands-on.

5. Show up in the energy so you can create the business that you have always wanted, and financial freedom, and give back and stabilize communities at the same time.

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The return of the sweater vest

Sweater vests are making a cozy comeback. | Edward Berthelot/Getty Images

The cozy, nostalgic sleeveless sweater is easy to wear but a fun challenge to style.

Welcome to Noticed, The Goods’ design trend column. You know that thing you’ve been seeing all over the place? Allow us to explain it.

What they are: Sleeveless, waist-length sweaters with a V-neck, typically worn over button-up blouses, T-shirts, or crew-neck sweaters. They are often made of a knit material and if not a solid color, tend to be argyle, houndstooth, or any pattern resembling a 1980s bus seat.

Where they are: On celebrities, Y2K-obsessed TikTokers, and influencers. Fashion retailers like H&M, Mango, Zara, and Ganni all sell classic, and even cropped, versions of sweater vests. Plus, for those who want to invest in the trend, luxury brands like Prada and Gucci have their own versions as well. Authentic versions can also be found at your local thrift store, that crate of childhood clothes your mom has been telling you to get rid of, or the closet of any relative over 45.

Why they’re everywhere: Ironically, though the sweater vest is having its moment amid the firestorm of 2020, luxury brands initially pushed the trend during a much simpler time (think Harambe memes, dabbing, rainbow bagels): the summer of 2016. Gucci sent a cropped version of the sweater vest down the runway for its Spring 2016 collection. Prada pushed a Tommy Hilfiger-esque color-blocked version. So, why did it blow up during the most chaotic summer instead? The short answer: The sweater vest is here to save us from social isolation.

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Making Dalgona coffee or sourdough bread was a challenging but unifying activity in March; so too are weird style trends like the sweater vest. This summer, I found myself more easily swayed by fashion trends than usual. While most years, trends are usually fading by the time I buy them, this time around, it only took a few Instagram influencers before I was online shopping — or in the case of the sweater vest, chopping the sleeves off of an old cardigan so I could DIY one.

The revelation came when I finally tried my poor man’s sweater vest on. Styling a piece of clothing that I hadn’t thought about in over a decade, and watching others attempt the same thing, gave me the same feeling as doing an Instagram challenge, or trying on wacky clothes with friends at the mall. It was a way of feeling like I was interacting with others, without actually putting anyone at risk. Watching trends arise is a great reminder that even though life may feel stagnant right now, it is moving — even if that means back to the ’90s.

Although it’s cool now, the sweater vest has long been associated with all things nerdy, which is what makes its comeback so surprising. My first and last experience with sweater vests was my middle school uniform. In an unwise attempt to salvage our hideous navy blue bottoms and baby blue tops (think Ladybird McPherson), we would wear thick navy sweater vests over our blue polos. The dapperness of the sweater vest has actually become the key to its trendiness. Since the sweater vest is so closely associated with uniforms or suits, wearing one is an easy way to look more professional on a work call.

“When you’re on Zoom calls and your outfit is only seen from the waist up, the sweater vest is kind of that easy one-and-done piece that can just instantly look polished,” Maria Bobila, Nylon’s fashion editor, told Vox.

The sweater vest is part of a movement to bring the cozy style of the pandemic into the office, or on webcam. It’s the same desire that has helped baggy dad jeans, oversized leather blazers, and dress-length button-ups stick around. The loose, boxy silhouette of the sweater vest makes it a good alternative for people who want the relaxed feel of their favorite leisure clothes, without looking like they just hopped out of bed.

“It’s kind of that cool alternative for the person that doesn’t want to wear a turtleneck, doesn’t want to wear a crew neck, but they want to be cool,” Bobila said. “It’s a good layering piece.”

Like many of this year’s trends, the sweater vest has been attributed to nostalgia. It’s yet another symbol of our desire to return to the ’90s and the early 2000s. Dig up a catalog from Delia’s or Limited Too and you’re bound to find a fitted pastel sweater vest in the mix. Plus, the funky print options make it a staple for anyone who idolizes the psychedelic-chic look of the ’70s.

The sweater vest’s popularity comes from more than just American pop culture, however. The look has for years been a staple of K-pop groups. BTS members like Taehyung and Jimin have been rocking sweater vests since as early as 2015 — and Korean boy bands have become a huge driver of trends stateside, from clothes and music, to even social justice. Korean retailers like YesStyle.com have been the go-to place to find the sweater vest as the trend blows up.

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“The sweater vest is part of most Korean high school uniforms and it’s also quite common in Korean casual wear,” Dianne Jane Gupta, content editor at YesStyle, told Vox. “It’s always been a rather popular style amongst our buyers but it has been even more so in the last couple of months.” In August alone, YesStyle haul videos have garnered hundreds of thousands of views on YouTube.

Like with every other pandemic trend, such as tie-dye sweatsuits or bike shorts, the question is whether it’s worth the cost. With some tie-dye sets going for nearly $100 at Urban Outfitters, trends don’t always fit into my budget. The best part about the sweater vest is that there are tons of sustainable and affordable options. You can find many vests on online second-hand stores like ThredUp or Depop, in-person thrift stores, or even in a relative’s closet.

“I wear so many of my mom’s vintage clothes,” influencer and makeup artist Sorrel Warner-James (@sorrelwj) told Vox. “Two of the vests I own are hers!”

Thrift has helped popularize the trend. ThredUp told Vox that sweater vests sold 80 percent faster between May and August 2020 than they had during the same period last year.

“One shopping trend we’ve seen all spring and summer is the shift to a comfy chic wardrobe,” Natalie Tomlin, marketing communications strategist at ThredUp, told Vox. “We’re also seeing greater interest in tops over pants, as many people working from home are opting for a pulled-together look on top and comfort on the bottom.”

The sweater vest may make it seem like we’re going back in time, but it’s really an example of fashion’s future. Clothing trends may end up being determined by what’s available at the thrift store rather than what fast fashion stores are providing.

“Consumers are increasingly shopping online, prioritizing value, and seeking out the most sustainable option,” Tomlin told Vox. “The pandemic accelerated the shift to thrift, which was already gaining momentum over the past several years as consumers woke up to the realities of fashion waste and sought out a smarter way to shop.”

Unlike other trends, the sweater vest is more of an accessory than a ready-made outfit. While the tie-dye sweatsuit is a quick way to add a fire outfit to your wardrobe, the sweater vest takes some styling and effort. Typically layered with other pieces, it can transform clothes we already own. Perhaps the sweater vest’s best quality is its wholesome truth: it won’t give you an easy way out, but it will teach you to find new ways to work with what you have.

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Europe’s China weak spot: Germany

EU diplomats say Berlin’s focus on the economy has put human rights on the back burner.

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Why an endangered Republican Senate majority is targeting Minnesota in 2020

Sen. Tina Smith (D-MN) speaks to the media following the weekly Democratic policy luncheon on April 30, 2019, in Washington, DC. | Pete Marovich/Getty Images

Democratic Sen. Tina Smith is up for reelection in a state Trump has pledged to win this November.

It’s been a hectic few years for Minnesota’s Democratic Sen. Tina Smith. First appointed in 2018 to replace former Sen. Al Franken after he resigned in late 2017 amid sexual harassment allegations, Smith had less than a full year in Congress before her first election as senator — a special to determine who served out the few years remaining in Franken’s term, which she won by more than 10 points.

Now, she’s on the ballot for a full six-year term of her own: Come November, Smith will face Republican Jason Lewis (known for once complaining that it was no longer socially acceptable to call women “sluts”).

Smith has a net +13 approval rating, according to Morning Consult; Minnesota is a habitually Democratic state, even as it has become more competitive in presidential elections. But Republicans are determined not to make things easy for her in 2020.

After narrowly losing Minnesota to Hillary Clinton in 2016, President Donald Trump took to Twitter last year to call his shot: “In 2020,” he tweeted, “because of America hating anti-Semite Rep. Omar, & the fact that Minnesota is having its best economic year ever, I will win the State!”

That makes Minnesota one of relatively few target states for a GOP Senate majority that’s looking imperiled. There are vulnerable Republican senators on defense in Arizona, Colorado, Maine, and North Carolina, to name just a few — but the party has also decided to invest heavily in the only upper-Midwestern state it failed to flip in 2016.

The Trump campaign is spending like they mean it: According to the ad tracking site AdAge, Trump has about $14.1 million in TV advertising booked in Minnesota through November 3 — more than his team is putting into Michigan, Wisconsin, or Arizona, at least for now — and his campaign is spending more in the Minneapolis-St. Paul market than it is anywhere outside of Florida.

An investment on that scale by the Trump team isn’t just a positive for the president’s chances in the state. It’s also good news for Lewis, who’s so in line with the president in agenda and style that his political future in the state is almost certain to rise and fall with Trump’s.

“We’ve been working hard in this state for well over a year,” Minnesota GOP chair Jennifer Carnahan told Vox. “And that’s a more impressive effort and focus than we’ve ever put in Minnesota if you go back probably even two decades.”

Jason Lewis was a Trump-style candidate before it was popular

Smith’s opponent this fall, Jason Lewis, is a former one-term representative who was ousted from the seat by Democratic Rep. Angie Craig in 2018. Before his brief stint in Congress, he was a controversial right-wing radio host in Minnesota with a long history of racist and sexist comments, and he’s been tagged as a “mini-Trump” since at least May 2016, well before he won his House primary.

Hannah Foslien/Getty Images

President Donald Trump greets Rep. Jason Lewis at a campaign rally at the Mayo Civic Center in Rochester, Minnesota, on October 4, 2018.

In 2020, that makes Lewis less of an outlier than he was four years ago, when, according to Roll Call’s Simone Pathé, the National Republican Congressional Committee took a pass on congratulating him the night of his primary win.

But even if it’s Trump’s GOP now, not every Republican Senate candidate is running toward the president with open arms. In Colorado, for example, incumbent Republican Sen. Cory Gardner has focused more on burnishing his bipartisan credentials than defending Trump, as Vox’s Ella Nilsen points out in her deep dive on the Colorado Senate race.

Republican politicos in Colorado say Gardner will still have to forge ahead with the independent “happy warrior” campaign ethos that got him to the Senate in the first place.

“Trump is not going to win Colorado,” Colorado Republican consultant Tyler Sandberg, who ran former Rep. Mike Coffman’s House campaigns, told Vox. “I think it’s a show, not tell thing. [Gardner’s] got to demonstrate that he’s different.”

Not so for Lewis: If Trump loses Minnesota this November, Lewis will go down with the ship. The two are so simpatico that one senior member of the Smith campaign refers to the Trump team in Minnesota as “Jason Lewis’s shadow campaign infrastructure.”

On the campaign trail, Lewis hasn’t shied away from those similarities. Late last month, he told voters in Rochester that the “fundamental duty of government is restoring public order and backing the blue” and decried the state’s coronavirus lockdown as “Orwellian.” And on Twitter, he’s embraced the near-apocalyptic rhetoric that Trump has deployed against Biden, arguing that Democrats are “coming after God” and want to “dismantle American society.”

Unlike Lewis, who didn’t make his first foray into formal politics until 2016, Smith has a long history in Minnesota politics. A former Planned Parenthood executive in the state, she served as chief of staff first to Minneapolis Mayor R.T. Rybak — a job that reportedly earned her the name “the velvet hammer” — and then to Gov. Mark Dayton before becoming Minnesota’s lieutenant governor in 2015.

As a candidate, Smith has emphasized her fairly moderate record and her willingness to reach across the aisle; in a Zoom debate with Lewis last month, she stressed her focus on “practical, commonsense things that we can work on in a bipartisan way.”

But David Schultz, a professor of political science at Hamline University in St. Paul, says that Smith’s quiet, efficient legislative style comes with some challenges.

“She doesn’t come across, I think, as sort of the natural campaigner in the way that [former Sen Al. Franken] did,” Schultz said, and “she’s kind of been lost next to Amy Klobuchar,” Minnesota’s senior senator and a one-time Democratic presidential candidate.

Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party chair Ken Martin concedes that “people are still getting to know Tina,” but when they do, he’s confident they’ll like what they see.

“The last two years in particular,” he says, Smith has “kept her nose to the grindstone and just worked on being a good senator and doing her job and making sure that she represents Minnesota in Washington, and that work has not gone unnoticed.”

Historically, Minnesota isn’t much of a swing state. But Trump and the state GOP think they can make it one.

If Lewis — and Trump — want to flip Minnesota red in 2020, they have a lot of history to contend with. Minnesota hasn’t gone for the GOP in a presidential election since 1972, when incumbent Richard Nixon won every state but Massachusetts, giving it an 11-election streak of supporting Democratic presidential candidates.

Clinton’s 2016 margin in the state may also have made Minnesota look more vulnerable for Democrats than it actually is. Though Clinton in 2016 only won by about 44,000 votes — out of nearly 3 million cast statewide — University of Minnesota political science professor Larry Jacobs says Clinton “made monstrous errors in how she ran that race.”

Schultz, the Hamline University professor, agrees.

“Clinton basically ran a bad campaign,” Schultz says. “She gets destroyed by Bernie Sanders in the caucuses, doesn’t come back to campaign here after she loses, and what happens? You know, she basically took the state for granted.”

Still, Trump’s Republican Party sees a glimmer of hope. FiveThirtyEight has made the argument that Minnesota has become redder. As Nathaniel Rakich noted, “In 1984, the state was 18.2 points more Democratic than the nation as a whole. But in 2016, for the first time since 1952, Minnesota voted more Republican than the rest of the U.S.”

Schultz, who in 2018 co-authored a book on presidential swing states, thinks there’s something to that. Part of the close margin in Minnesota in 2016 was Clinton, he says, but part of it is just demographics: Schultz argues that Minnesota is genuinely trending purple.

And Carnahan, the state GOP chair, believes that the protests and unrest that have followed the killings of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd, as well as the police shooting of Jacob Blake, which left him paralyzed below the waist, could be what push the state past its tipping point.

Brandon Bell/Getty Images

Marques Armstrong holds up a picture of George Floyd at a demonstration on June 25, 2020, in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Though nationwide protests calling for racial justice and police reform have been largely peaceful (about 93 percent peaceful, according to one study), some cities — notably Minneapolis; Kenosha, Wisconsin; and Portland, Oregon — have seen rioting, fires, and violent clashes between police, protesters, and pro-Trump militias, including two deadly shootings.

“I do see a momentum shift in Minnesota,” Carnahan told Vox in July, “and a lot of that has been driven by a governor in our state and mayors of the two largest cities that completely let every single person in the state down by letting our cities burn for a week and sitting on their hands and doing nothing.”

According to Schulz, there was a version of a law-and-order message that could have worked for Trump, but he believes Trump missed the mark by leaning so hard into the politics of white racial resentment.

“If [Trump] made the same messaging about law and order without the powerful racial overtones that he’s using,” Schultz said, “he might get to here. He might get some of those suburban voters to listen to him who are very concerned about what happened in Minneapolis and St. Paul.”

If Lewis wants to pull off a win, he’ll likely need to thread the same needle, though his history of racist comments and close ties to Trump could make that difficult. But Schultz isn’t ruling anything out.

“The Senate race is even tighter,” he told Vox over email this month. “George Floyd and the law-and-order reaction to it are part of the explanation.”

The coronavirus overshadows a lot of other issues

Even if Minnesota is on its way to perennial swing-state status, though, and even if there is — or was — a building suburban backlash to civil unrest and “defund the police” rhetoric from activists, 2020 isn’t shaping up to be the best year to test either theory.

With fewer than 60 days to go until November 3, the coronavirus pandemic has shaken up the electoral map. Former Vice President Joe Biden leads Trump by about 7.5 points nationally according to the FiveThirtyEight polling average, and even states like Texas, Ohio, and Iowa are starting to look tight for the president, though Trump retains a lead in all three. That could make it harder for Trump and the National Republican Senatorial Committee to expand their map and press the attack in states like Minnesota.

“The number one issue in the minds of Minnesotans is the same one that we’re seeing everywhere,” Jacobs told Vox in July. “Which is: We’ve got a pandemic, it’s clearly not under control, even where there are businesses that are open, consumers are scared to go out, and the Republican Party of Minnesota has sided with the president,” whose approval rating on his handling of the coronavirus outbreak is hovering around 39 percent, according to FiveThirtyEight.

That reality hasn’t changed in the intervening months, but the race has still narrowed, at least at the Senate level. While FiveThirtyEight has Biden up in Minnesota by an average of 7.4 points, a handful of Senate polls suggest that Smith’s lead could be as little as 2 or 3 points versus Lewis.

Other polls, however, have better news for Smith — Public Policy Polling has her up by 8 points, to name one — and race ratings give an unclear picture at best. The Cook Political Report relabeled the Minnesota Senate race in July, moving it from “Likely D” to “Solid D,” and it hasn’t moved since then.

Whatever the polls show, though, the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party — essentially an anachronistic name for the state Democratic Party — is feeling good about Smith’s chances in November.

“We wouldn’t trade our starting position right now with theirs,” Martin, the state DFL chair, said.

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